An investigation by RFE/RL has uncovered details about the highly secretive elite Russian drone formation: the Rubicon Center for Advanced Unmanned Technologies. 

Rubicon has become one of Russia’s most formidable forces on the battlefield since the battle for Russia’s Kursk Oblast in mid 2024.

Throughout Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, drones have increasingly become critical to the conflict, reshaping both battlefield tactics and long-range operations. Both Moscow and Kyiv are constantly adapting, deploying new drone technologies and countermeasures to strike supply lines, observe enemy movements, and target key infrastructure.

Russia’s Rubicon has proven especially effective at challenging Ukraine’s previously-superior drone capabilities on the battlefield. 

Key findings from the RFE/RL report:

• Commander: Colonel Sergei Budnikov, 37, former artillery and marine officer.
• Headquarters: Facilities include Patriot Park near Moscow, used for training and testing drones.
• Formation: Established mid-2024, shortly after Andrei Belousov became Russia’s defense minister.
• Structure: At least seven detachments, 130–150 personnel each, specializing in drone attacks, reconnaissance, and electronic warfare.
• Recruitment: Offers bonuses up to 3 million rubles ($36,000) to attract skilled personnel.

The RFE/RL reporting identifies Colonel Sergei Budnikov, a 37-year-old career artillery and marine officer, as the unit’s commander – the first public confirmation of his leadership.

One of the unit’s main facilities appears to be at the Patriot Park Exhibition and Congress Center near Moscow, which hosts training and testing activities. 

Analysts say Rubicon represents a new level of organization and systematic planning within the Russian military, narrowing Ukraine’s previously decisive advantage in drone warfare.

Rubicon was created in mid-2024, shortly after Andrei Belousov became Russia’s defense minister. It operates as a hybrid organization, combining drone development, operator training, and electronic warfare, with at least seven detachments of 130-150 personnel each, each specializing in different aspects of unmanned operations.

Rubicon in Kursk Oblast

The unit first made its mark countering Ukraine’s operations in Kursk Oblast. Working alongside Russian regular troops and North Korean reinforcements, Rubicon employed highly coordinated drone strikes on short sections of roads supplying Ukrainian positions, often striking vehicles from multiple angles to overwhelm defenses. 

These efforts ultimately forced Kyiv to retreat from the region and allow Russia to regain almost all of Kursk Oblast.

Previous reporting has shown that Rubicon’s drones use rapid frequency shifts and electronic countermeasures to bypass Ukrainian jamming, targeting both frontline convoys and operators stationed far behind the lines. 

Rubicon units now systematically target Ukrainian drone operators who fly drones from distant positions away from the front lines. 

One brigade reportedly lost 70% of their drone operators in a single week due to Rubicon’s precision strikes.

Experts warn that unless Kyiv develops more advanced counter measures, Russia’s elite drone force will remain a persistent threat across multiple sectors of the front.

Germany is throwing its support behind the use of frozen Russian state assets to support Ukraine, marking a significant shift in Berlin’s position, Bloomberg reports.

The move adds momentum to European discussions on how to leverage the roughly $300 billion frozen after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022.

European governments and G7 allies have been weighing options to channel additional revenue from these funds to bolster Kyiv’s defense. So far, the EU and partners have agreed to direct interest income from the assets to Ukraine, but pressure has been growing to go further.

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen earlier this month urged the bloc to create a “reparations loan” for Ukraine, funded by cash balances linked to the frozen Russian assets.

Germany’s support is seen as crucial, as it had previously been wary of measures that might threaten Europe’s financial hub or breach principles of state immunity.

The shift in Berlin reflects fears that declining US support under President Donald Trump could leave Europe shouldering a larger share of the aid for Ukraine. There are concerns this economic burden could also fuel the rise of the country’s far-right. 

The issue will be raised at a meeting of EU finance ministers in Copenhagen this week and again at the October 23-24 EU leaders’ summit, where officials aim to reach a decision.

A study by the Humanitarian Research Lab (HRL) at Yale University’s School of Public Health has identified 210 facilities in Russia and occupied Ukrainian territories where children abducted from Ukraine are held and “re-educated.” The report also found evidence that some children are being militarized.

“Russia has been engaged in the deportation, re-education, militarization, and coerced fostering and adoption of children from Ukraine since at least 2014 in the temporarily occupied territories of Crimea, Luhansk, and Donetsk. Following the full-scale invasion of Ukraine by Russia in February 2022, these efforts significantly expanded in scale and scope. Cohorts of children were rapidly included in the Russian Federation’s pre-existing program of Russification from newly occupied regions such as Zaporizhzhia, Kherson and cities such as Kharkiv and Mariupol.” – the report reads.

210 “re-education” facilities for Ukrainian children

The majority of the facilities identified in the report are located in European Russia and occupied Crimea.

Children are being held in camps and sanatoriums (most frequently), as well as cadet schools, a military base, medical facilities, a religious site, secondary schools and universities, a hotel, and family support centers and orphanages.

Researchers found that re-education activities occurred at 130 sites (62%), involving cultural, patriotic, or military programming aligned with pro-Russia narratives.

Militarization programs were observed at 39 sites (19%), and 49 sites (23%) have been expanded or newly constructed, including two new cadet schools, likely to accommodate more children.

More than half of the facilities (106 of 210) are managed by the Russian federal or local government, including 55% of re-education sites and 58% of militarization sites.

Children in these facilities fall into four main groups:

• children taken to summer camps for what was intended to be temporary “re-education” by pro-Russian patriotic organizations;
• children taken from Ukrainian orphanages and other institutions for children, and/or children with physical disabilities;
• children forcibly separated from parents in frontline areas after the 2022 invasion; and
• children taken directly from their parents in Russian-operated filtration camps in and around Mariupol in 2022 when the city was first occupied.

The report urges international organizations and governments to support the return and reintegration of Ukrainian children, hold perpetrators accountable, and strengthen protections to prevent such abuses in the future.

“The impact of the alleged crimes perpetuated by the Russian government are likely to leave generational scars,” the report concludes.

Russia’s history of abducting Ukrainian children

The systematic abduction of Ukrainian children has accelerated since Russia’s 2022 invasion, building on practices begun in 2014 in occupied Crimea, Donetsk, and Luhansk.

Over 3,000 children from occupied Kherson Oblast were taken to remote Russian regions during summer 2024 alone. Separate documentation identified 40,000 children relocated to various Russian locations including Moscow, Saint Petersburg, and facilities as far as 8,000 kilometers from Ukraine. 

The International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants in March 2023 for Russian President Vladimir Putin and Russian Children’s Rights Commissioner Maria Lvova-Belova on charges of illegal child deportation.

Ukraine’s Main Intelligence Directorate (HUR) published a detailed analysis of Russia’s new turbojet attack drone, the Geran-3 “U” series, showing it relies heavily on foreign components. The drone, a localized version of the Iranian Shahed-238, incorporates parts from the US, China, Switzerland, Germany, Britain, and Japan.

Despite Western sanctions, Russia continues to acquire foreign technology for its weapons programs. Moscow remains able to develop and produce advanced weapons systems for its war against Ukraine.

In total, 45 foreign components were identified in the new Russian Geran-3 drone: 

• roughly half from American manufacturers;
• eight from China;
• seven from Switzerland;
• three from Germany;
• two from Britain, and 
• one from Japan. 

The Russian Geran-3 drone

HUR reports that the drone can operate at ranges up to 1000 km, and can reach speeds of 300-370 km/h, powered by a Chinese Telefly JT80 turbojet engine.

It can reach its top speed in areas covered by Ukrainian air defenses, electronic warfare systems, and drone interception zones, and during the terminal stage of its flight descending towards a target. 

To maintain satellite navigation in contested areas, the Geran-3 also features a jam-resistant navigation system with a 12-element adaptive antenna array known as Kometa-M12.

The drone’s internal layout closely mirrors that of the gasoline-powered Geran-2, including a standard inertial navigation system, air pressure measurement unit, and power distribution unit. The drone also uses cameras and video systems adapted from earlier Geran-2 models.

Russia’s Geran drone is a locally made version of the Iranian Shahed drone, supplied by Iran and used against Ukraine. Moscow is producing its own variants and gradually improving their design and capabilities.

Russia uses these drones to carry out long-range attacks on Ukrainian targets, including civilian areas and critical infrastructure.

HUR published the findings as part of its “Means of Destruction” series, which now catalogs over 5,000 foreign components in 177 weapons systems used by Russia and its allies. The Geran-3 is the eighth Russian weapon system to be detailed in the series.

Russia carried out a large-scale overnight assault on Ukraine on 16 September, striking the eastern city of Zaporizhzhia with multiple rocket salvos.

The strikes killed two people and injured 20 others, including four children. The attack also caused widespread destruction to residential areas, according to regional and national officials.

Zaporizhzhia, a major city in southeastern Ukraine, has been a frequent target of Russian strikes since the start of the full-scale invasion in 2022. The city lies close to the front line and just north of the occupied Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant, Europe’s largest.

Though never captured, Zaporizhzhia has endured repeated barrages of missiles, drones, and artillery that have destroyed residential neighborhoods, energy facilities, and infrastructure. The region has become a symbol of both Ukraine’s resilience and the ongoing vulnerability of civilian areas to Russia’s campaign of aerial terror.

Ukraine’s Air Force reported that around midnight Russian forces launched ten Tornado-S multiple rocket system rounds at Zaporizhzhia. The strikes hit private homes and non-residential buildings, sparking fires across several neighborhoods.

“They struck deliberately to terrorize our people,” said Ivan Fedorov, head of the Zaporizhzhia Regional Military Administration.

Russian “aerial terror” overnight

The strike on Zaporizhzhia was part of a wider wave of Russian attacks on early 16 September. According to Ukrainian officials, more than 100 drones and 150 guided aerial bombs were used against multiple regions, including Kyiv, Sumy, Kharkiv, Donetsk, and Kherson.

In Mykolaiv Oblast, a strike on a farm killed one civilian.

Since the beginning of September, Russia has fired more than 3500 drones, nearly 190 missiles, and over 2500 aerial bombs against Ukraine. Fedorov described these attacks as “aerial terror.”

“Now is the time to implement the joint protection of our European sky with a multilayered air defense system. All the necessary technologies exist. What is needed are investments and the will, strong actions, and decisions from all our partners,” he added.

Ukrainian Prime Minister Yulia Svyrydenko urged the world to respond by strengthening sanctions against Russia and providing Ukraine with more air defenses to protect cities and people.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said on Saturday that while Ukraine maintains control of the battlefield, the situation remains highly complex due to the scale of Russian forces and rapid shifts in drone and electronic warfare technology.

“As for the battlefield, the situation is not simple. It is complicated by the number of enemy forces, the number of drones, and changing technologies: today one type of drone is in use – one electronic warfare (EW) system works; tomorrow drones change, engines change – and other EW systems operate. What’s most important to understand is this: we are controlling the front,” Zelenskyy said on Telegram. 

He dismissed claims of major Russian advances in eastern Ukraine, calling such narratives disinformation. “Russians are far better at disinformation than they are on the battlefield,” he said.

“They have more troops than Ukrainians – that is their advantage. Their strongest grouping is in the east, but they are in very difficult conditions,” he continued, adding that predictions of Russia occupying the entire east in a matter of months were “lies,” arguing that such an outcome would take years, if at all.

Zelenskyy also urged closer coordination between Western and Ukrainian intelligence, calling for daily consultations “directly from the battlefield” to counter Russian narratives.

The fighting in Ukraine’s eastern regions has intensified in recent months, with Russia massing around 150,000 troops near Pokrovsk and cutting key supply routes amid heavy bombardment. Ukrainian forces, however, have carried out counterattacks, including the liberation of Novomykhailivka and strikes on Russian command centers, even as Russian assaults and civilian casualties continue to mount.

Polish Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski questioned the effectiveness of discussion about security guarantees for Ukraine, suggesting the term itself may be misleading, according to European Pravda.

In recent months, Ukraine’s western partners have been discussing “security guarantees” aimed at preventing further Russian aggression in the event of a ceasefire. 

Proposed measures include formal security treaties, peacekeeping forces, military support, and economic sanctions. However, the effectiveness of these guarantees remains unproven, as they largely depend on Russia agreeing to a ceasefire in the first place.

Speaking at the annual Yalta European Strategy meeting in Kyiv, Sikorski said that Ukraine already had “guarantees”, even if they were called differently, in the 1994 Budapest Memorandum. 

The Budapest Memorandum was an agreement signed by Ukraine, Russia, the United States, and the United Kingdom that was intended to safeguard Ukraine’s territorial integrity and sovereignty in exchange for Kyiv giving up its nuclear arsenal. The memorandum ultimately failed when Russia invaded Ukraine in 2014.

Sikorski argued that any new, more concrete guarantees would likely fail to deter Russian aggression.

“The purpose of security guarantees is to deter Russia from renewed aggression. In essence, if we give security guarantees to Ukraine, we are saying we could go to war against Russia,” Sikorski said. 

“I don’t think that’s convincing. Who wants to fight Russia? I don’t see many volunteers. In international relations, nothing is worse than offering guarantees that are not trusted.”

Sikorski called for a shift in focus away from guarantees, urging instead for monitoring of peace and strengthening Ukraine’s capabilities. 

He emphasized prioritizing military and financial support, warning that prolonged discussions on guarantees could distract policymakers from urgent funding needs for 2026 and 2027.

Romanian authorities issued an alert on Saturday for the northern area of Tulcea County after a Russian drone was detected in the country’s airspace, Romanian media outlet Digi24.ro reports. Citizens were warned of potential falling objects and urged to take protective measures.

The incident follows a pattern of Russian drones violating NATO airspace in recent days. On 10 September, a wave of Russian drones entered Poland, causing alarm among NATO members. 

The Romanian Ministry of National Defence said two F-16 fighter jets from Fetesti Air Base took off at 18:05 to monitor the airspace near the border with Ukraine, following Russian airstrikes on Ukrainian infrastructure along the nearby Danube river. 

The jets detected the drone near Chilia Veche, tracking it for roughly 50 minutes as it operated about 10 kilometers inside Romanian territory before disappearing from radar. 

The drone did not fly over populated areas and posed no imminent threat to civilians. 

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy confirmed the incident, noting that Russian drones were active throughout the day in various regions of Ukraine. 

“The Russian military clearly knows the targets of their drones and how long they can stay in the air. Flight routes are always carefully calculated,” Zelenskyy said. 

“This cannot be accidental, a mistake, or the result of rogue actions by lower-level commanders. This is a deliberate expansion of the war by Russia.”

Zelenskyy called for sanctions, trade tariffs, and a coordinated system of collective defense. He said Ukraine has urged its partners to establish such protections proactively, warning against waiting for further drone or missile attacks before taking action.

The Tulcea Emergency Situations Inspectorate emphasized that Romania’s territory is not the direct target of Russian attacks and that the air alert, lasting roughly 90 minutes, was precautionary. 

Poland also responded to a separate threat on Saturday, mobilizing military aircraft after Russian drones were reported in Ukrainian regions bordering the country.