US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth officially confirmed that anti-drone weapons intended for Ukraine were redirected to American forces stationed in the Middle East. The APKWS II anti-drone rocket systems “are at least part, if not the main focus of this diversion in matériel,” TWZ reported. Meanwhile, Senator McConnell says Washington’s reputation is “on the line.”

Testifying before the Senate Appropriations Committee on 11 June, Hegseth admitted for the first time that counter-UAS capabilities originally purchased for Ukraine under the Biden administration were instead prioritized for deployment in the CENTCOM area (North Africa – Middle East). 

“Senator, as you know, the Middle East is and remains a very dynamic theater,” Hegseth claimed. “We’re going to surge counter UAS systems to our troops and our bases and our places first […] that has been and will continue to be a priority for us.”

Zelenskyy previously warned of looming weapon loss

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky told ABC News last week that the US had agreed to send “20,000 missiles – anti-Shahed missiles,” which are now being diverted. “Without the help of the United States, we will have more losses.”

TWZ noted that “there are no traditional missiles available anywhere near that number,” meanwhile, the APKWS system is produced in large volumes and is specifically effective against Shahed-136 suicide drones. 

“APKWS gives Ukraine another proven way to defend key target areas… without blowing through prized SAMs,” TWZ wrote,

The Wall Street Journal earlier reported that the Pentagon “quietly notified Congress” that APKWS-specific proximity fuzes were reassigned to US Air Force units. These fuzes are essential to converting APKWS rockets into counter-drone weapons.

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The public admission sparked renewed criticism from lawmakers. Republican Senator Mitch McConnell asked Hegseth which side he wanted to win the war, but Hegseth said the Trump administration sought an end to the killing without taking sides.

McConnell, a vocal Ukraine supporter, noted:

“It seems to me pretty obvious that America’s reputation is on the line,” McConnell said. “Will we defend Democratic allies against authoritarian aggressors?”

Later in the hearing, Republican Sen. Lindsey Graham pressed Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth and Joint Chiefs of Staff Chair Gen. Dan Caine on whether Russian President Vladimir Putin would stop at Ukraine.

“I don’t believe he is,” Gen. Caine responded, with Hegseth adding it “remains to be seen.”

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Graham, referencing his earlier comparison between Western inaction toward Putin and the appeasement of Adolf Hitler in the lead-up to World War II, quickly retorted:

“Well, he says he’s not. This is the ’30s all over. It doesn’t remain to be seen.”

APKWS 

The APKWS II are laser-guided 70mm rockets previously used by Ukraine to intercept Russia’s Iranian-designed Shahed drones and low-flying missiles. pods with such missiles have been forward-deployed with US’ F-15Es in Jordan and have been used in past months by US jets to down Houthi drones in the Red Sea. The same guidance kits are also used in the VAMPIRE counter-drone system previously supplied to Ukraine.

According to TWZ, videos from Ukraine in 2023 showed APKWS being used on Humvees, but the VAMPIRE system with counter-drone fuzes became more widespread by December 2023. These systems helped Ukraine defend key targets from Iranian-made kamikaze drones without depleting expensive SAM inventories.

Unclear future for US aid for Ukraine

Hegseth declined to specify how many APKWS rockets remain in stock or were sent to Ukraine. 

“We would have to review the capacity,” he said, adding that US support to Ukraine had allegedly created “some challenges in other places.”

Earlier on 10 June, Hegseth said a cut in US military aid to Ukraine is almost certain, citing the Trump administration’s “very different view” of Russia’s war compared to former President Joe Biden’s and calling an unrealistic “negotiated peaceful settlement” the best outcome for both sides and US interests.

Last year, Ukrainian military intelligence did what sounds like science fiction: they fed thousands of images of Russian jets into artificial intelligence systems, training machines to hunt and dive-bomb strategic bombers meant to launch nuclear annihilation.

On 1 June, those AI-trained killing machines proved they learned their lessons perfectly.

Ukrainian forces loaded homegrown drones into ordinary trucks, smuggled them deep into Russia’s rear, and unleashed mechanical predators that struck four airbases from the Arctic to Siberia — wiping out a $7 billion of Russia’s elite air force in a single day.

With 41 aircraft reduced to wreckage — the largest single-day funeral for Russian aircraft since WWII — Putin’s elite “red lines” air threat that kept the West cowering for years would take decades to restore — if sanctions ever allow it.

Behind this massacre lies Ukraine’s domestic drone empire that has exploded from desperate start-ups into a $2.8 billion war machine in just three years — and it just launched the AI arms race that will haunt every future battlefield.

From garage tinkering to 4.5 million killer drones

The devastating attack, dubbed the operation “Spiderweb,” resulted from three years of rapid drone evolution — a transformation that turned Ukraine’s drone warfare from a desperate improvisation to a high‑volume, precision‑strike ecosystem Russia often struggles to match.

In the early days of full-scale war, Ukraine’s defense ministry purchased thousands of drones, still relying heavily on ad hoc production, crowdfunding, and volunteer ingenuity. Yet, it took just two years to leap from garage builds to global leadership, pioneering drone technology.

By 2024, the government had scaled up procurement to over 1.5 million drones, with 96% of contracts awarded to domestic manufacturers. In 2025, Ukraine tripled its investment, allocating more than $2.6 billion – one-fifth of Ukraine’s total defense procurement – toward drones, including plans to deliver 4.5 million FPV models to the battlefield.

With factories now producing millions of drones and some operators flying up to 15 missions a day, Ukraine’s domestic drone industry has evolved from battlefield improvisation to full-scale industrialization — delivering lethal, low-cost systems at speed, with growing flexibility and automation.

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These drones have become central to Ukraine’s battlefield strategy — pinpointing, punishing, and relentlessly pushing back Russian forces. As The New York Times put it, “It feels as if there are a thousand snipers in the sky.” Still, Ukraine’s technological edge is under pressure, with questions mounting over how long it can maintain dominance.

In contrast, Russian troops are often starved for drones, with some battalions receiving just 10 to 15 FPV (First-person view) drones per week.

“We know where they are flying from, but there is nothing to kill with,” lamented one Russian operator.

Regulatory bottlenecks have made matters worse. “Heavy drones now require state approval,” wrote a Russian blogger, noting that units have begun constructing their own drones to fill the gap left by a struggling domestic industry, increasingly strained by the relentless race to modernize.

The bomb witch that haunts Russians armed with sticks

While Russia faces production setbacks, Ukraine is pushing forward with increasingly advanced systems. Among the most distinctive innovations is the “Baba Yaga” — a heavy multirotor drone named after the mythical Slavic witch.

Unlike smaller FPV drones, the Baba Yaga can carry 45-pound payloads like aerial bombs, mortar shells, anti-tank mines, and even guided bombs, making it ideal for hitting bunkers and supply depots. In response, Russian troops have resorted to crude countermeasures — attaching long sticks to knock Ukraine’s bulky bombers out of the sky.

However, Baba Yaga is just one part of Ukraine’s evolving drone arsenal. While new platforms continue to emerge, older systems are also being upgraded to stay deadly. Mavic drones, for instance, pioneered light bombing tactics early in the war, serving as surprisingly lethal anti-personnel systems despite their commercial origins

Since then, FPVs have taken over the role, offering greater payload capacity and flexibility. Some FPV drones now carry up to six VOG grenades – compared to the two typically deployed by Mavics – allowing for more impactful strikes with greater reach and frequency.

This drive for greater range, precision, and coordination has led to Ukraine’s next leap in drone warfare.

Putin’s next nightmare: Ukraine’s mothership drones

Among Ukraine’s latest innovations is mothership drones — large UAVs capable of carrying and launching multiple FPV drones mid-flight. Designed for long-range missions, these platforms allow Ukrainian forces to strike deep behind enemy lines, overwhelming Russian defenses with coordinated, multi-drone assaults.

FPV drones have become Ukraine’s key interceptors, targeting Russian reconnaissance drones, while Russian units use theirs to hunt down Ukraine’s Baba Yagas.

“FPV drones are about tactical dominance. They bring chaos, fear, and uncertainty to close combat,” a Russian commentator wrote. “They are cheap, massive and deadly effective – and their potential grows with each passing day…These are no longer makeshift weapons, but new close-combat artillery.”

And in Ukrainian hands, they’ve become a relentless force — now fired more often than many large-caliber artillery shells.

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Much of Ukraine’s drone warfare success comes from specialized units. The Birds of Magyar, one of the country’s most prolific teams, carried out over 11,600 sorties in March 2025 alone — striking more than 5,300 targets, or one every eight minutes.

The majority of these hits came from FPV drones (67%) and heavy bombers (31%). While FPV strike footage tends to dominate social media, it’s the less flashy “Baba Yaga” night bombers that may be doing most of the actual damage on the ground.

These UAVs specialize in destroying infrastructure and personnel shelters, not just enemy armor. In March alone, they carried out 1,701 strikes on Russian infantry, with 1,002 confirmed kills and dozens of bunker-busting missions. By April, Ukrainian drone brigades reported hitting 83,000 targets — a 5% increase in just one month.

Russian milblogger “Vault 8” noted that Ukrainian FPV and reconnaissance drones now dominate up to 25 kilometers behind the front line — making road travel perilous and turning rear areas into a “highway of death,” where even vehicles far from combat zones are frequently destroyed. Both sides are being forced to adapt to this new reality — and the consequences are already visible on the battlefield.

Now, Ukraine is using these drones to construct a “drone wall” along the front line — extending the no-man’s land by dozens of kilometers and deterring Russian advances through constant aerial threat.

With FPV drones now functioning as the new artillery of modern warfare, mobility has become critical. For months, Russian forces have used motorcycles to lead high-risk assaults, a tactic born out of necessity due to mounting losses of armored vehicles to Ukrainian drones. In response, Ukraine’s 425th Skala Assault Regiment has established its own motorcycle assault company — aiming to match speed with survivability on a battlefield shaped by drones.

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Beyond direct strikes, the unit also lays mines, conducts aerial reconnaissance, and has carried out over 10,000 missions to date — including tests of jamming-resistant drones. As national production ramps up to 200,000 drones a month, the Birds of Magyar have seen their kill rate skyrocket: from fewer than 300 confirmed targets a year ago to over 5,000 today, eliminating one Russian soldier every 6.5 minutes.

Even Ukraine’s logistics have taken to the skies. Vampire drones are now being used to deliver food and ammunition to frontline units, flying at low altitudes to evade detection. Smaller FPV drones, typically 10 to 15 inches in size, are also employed — their crews far more mobile and adaptable.

While larger bombers must release payloads from higher altitudes to avoid small arms fire, FPVs can dive straight into targets as small as a single meter across, offering unmatched precision.

“FPVs are more effective against pinpoint targets, where the scale of damage doesn’t matter, but accuracy does,” says Danylo, a drone pilot from the 108th Separate Territorial Defense Brigade.

FPVs hunt by day, bombers mine by night

However, larger drones like the Vampire come with trade-offs. They require vehicle transport, limiting mobility, and must either launch close to the front — risking exposure — or fly long distances, increasing the chance of detection.

“At long range, it’s very visible in thermal cameras and can be intercepted, even shot down by another FPV, before it even crosses the line of contact,” says Oleksii, a drone unit commander from the same brigade.

Even Russian volunteers admit it: Ukraine’s heavy Vampire drones — built to hunt down artillery crews, tanks, and command posts — are giving Kyiv a strategic edge, thanks to their disciplined rollout and battlefield precision. And the arms race isn’t slowing down. Ukraine recently logged its first confirmed kill with a drone-mounted grenade launcher, pushing the boundaries of what flying machines can do in combat.

“Ukrainian ‘Vampire’ type heavy drones have a complementary role to FPVs,” explained Roy Gardiner, an open source weapons researcher and former Canadian officer. “While FPVs attack Russian logistics vehicles during the day, heavy drones attack the same vehicles at night by precision mining Russian roads.”

In some cases, however, FPVs outperform larger drones. Russian vehicles often stay far from the frontline — beyond the effective range of many Vampires, but still within reach of nimble FPVs. FPVs also handle Russian jamming more effectively, thanks to their ability to switch control frequencies mid-flight — an edge bulkier drones lack.

“FPVs, even with an effectiveness rate of 30–40%, cause more damage than the Vampire,” said Andrii of the 59th Brigade.

Ukraine teaches NATO to hunt Russia’s Frankenstein drones

Russia, meanwhile, is still playing catch-up — with no counterpart to the Baba Yaga and a drone fleet that trails badly in both design and deployment.

“Ukraine invested in its fleet of larger, long-range drones as a response to Russia’s investment in Shahed/Geran drones,” observed Samuel Bendett, an adjunct senior fellow at the Center for a New American Security.

He adds that Russia seems content with the performance of its Geran drones, having produced them by the thousands and prioritized their low cost and mass deployment — although points out that these systems serve a different purpose.

Gardiner notes that Moscow has talked up its plans for a homegrown drone industry, yet it failed to deliver.

“There have been indications that Russian drone units have been forbidden to make direct purchases without permission from above,” he adds.

In the meantime, Russian units have resorted to bizarre improvisations, including the “Vobla,” a jerry-rigged drone with four quadcopters connected to a single flight controller.

Ukraine’s latest export: combat expertise the Pentagon wants to buy

While Russia leans on improvised workarounds, Ukraine’s drone innovation is drawing international attention, with Kyiv marketing itself as Europe’s future defense hub.

According to Branislav Slantchev, a political science professor at UC San Diego, Ukrainian specialists are now training NATO personnel in Poland and the UK. They have even consulted the Pentagon on how to use American weapons more effectively in combat — a testament to how far Ukraine’s defense innovation has advanced.

“Ukraine’s defense industry will be massive as well. It was a critical hub in Soviet production and will now be part of Europe’s,” he says.

In this dynamics, Ukraine’s growing defense industry is part of a larger shift — one that positions the country not just as a supplier, but as a cornerstone of Europe’s security architecture.

“Europe needs Ukraine as a shield. We have the biggest army on the continent. We are the only ones with an army that knows how to contain Russia.” Valerii Zaluzhnyi, Ukraine’s former commander-in-chief, said. “The only one with an army that knows how to wage modern, high-tech warfare.”

The 1,000-drone barrage that could tip the war

However, Ukraine’s technological edge won’t last unchallenged. Russia is rapidly catching up — and in some areas, pulling ahead, such as with fiber optic drones.

Russian strike drones are now reaching deep into Ukraine’s rear — including the Kramatorsk–Dobropillia highway, a key supply route located more than 30 kilometers (about 19 miles) behind the front line. These attacks are being carried out with fixed-wing “Molniya” drones and the smaller “Tyuvik,” a modified version of the Iranian-made Shahed drone.

A Russian kamikaze drone was also reportedly using AI and machine learning to enhance targeting, scanning highways for military vehicles, and recently adapting to evade interceptor drones.

Amid these developments, some Ukrainian experts are sounding the alarm. Maria Berlinska, head of the Air Intelligence Support Center, warned that Russia may soon be capable of launching over 1,000 Shahed-type strike drones per day.

“By the end of May 2025, we are starting to fall further and further behind in the technological race,” she says. “In a number of areas, parity still exists, but in general, the Russians are increasingly ahead.”

She attributs this shift to something more structural than battlefield improvisation.

“We lasted for more than three years. But these solutions are increasingly being surpassed by systemic, monumental scientific projects from joint Russian-Iranian-Chinese engineering teams,” Berlinska says.

These warnings underscore a growing anxiety within Ukraine’s defense tech community: the innovation gap is narrowing. Oleksandr Yakovenko, who leads one of Ukraine’s leading drone companies, warned that while Ukraine previously was two steps ahead of the Russians, now they’re only “one step ahead of them.”

That concern extends far beyond the present battlefield. Tatarigami, a former Ukrainian officer and open-source intelligence analyst, warned that unless Russia suffers a major defeat or economic collapse, it could use the coming years to build and stockpile equipment.

“If Russia spends several years building and stockpiling equipment while leveraging Chinese industry and Western parts, its future military will be more modern and technologically advanced than during the 2022 invasion,” he wrote.