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  • ✇Euromaidan Press
  • Drones rack up 70% of troop losses in the Ukraine war — and AI’s killing spree will make it worse
    Ukraine’s recent assault on airbases across Russia has already ushered in a new conventional wisdom: the expensive, human-crewed weapons (tanks, planes, ships) that have long defined the world’s “advanced” militaries have been rendered obsolete by inexpensive drones. However, this view is incomplete, and perhaps dangerously misleading. Today’s drone warfare offers sobering lessons that go far beyond the vulnerability of expensive legacy weapons; and the looming integration of AI into dro
     

Drones rack up 70% of troop losses in the Ukraine war — and AI’s killing spree will make it worse

14 juin 2025 à 16:23

Ukraine’s recent assault on airbases across Russia has already ushered in a new conventional wisdom: the expensive, human-crewed weapons (tanks, planes, ships) that have long defined the world’s “advanced” militaries have been rendered obsolete by inexpensive drones.

However, this view is incomplete, and perhaps dangerously misleading. Today’s drone warfare offers sobering lessons that go far beyond the vulnerability of expensive legacy weapons; and the looming integration of AI into drone warfare will make the current situation look positively quaint.

    Consider the lessons of the Ukraine war so far. First, the impact of drones goes far beyond legacy weapons. Drones have indeed rendered tanks and armored personnel carriers extremely vulnerable, so Russian ground assaults now frequently use troops on foot, motorcycles, or all-terrain vehicles.

    Yet this hasn’t helped, because drones are terrifyingly effective against people as well. Casualties are as high as ever, but now, drones inflict over 70% of casualties on both sides.

    Drones are also effective against almost everything else. Ukraine has used drones to destroy Russian targets as varied as weapons factories, moving trains, ammunition storesoil refineries, ships, and ports. It could be worse; in fact, Ukraine has shown great restraint, considering Russia’s barbaric conduct. Airport terminals, train stations at rush hour, athletic and concert stadiums, pharmaceutical factories, hospitals, schools, nursing homes — all are equally vulnerable.

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    Two additional sobering lessons from Ukraine concern how drone warfare depends on its industrial base. First, speed and responsiveness are critical. Drone technology, weapons, and tactics now evolve at a blinding pace. A new drone will be useful for only 2-6 months. The other side develops countermeasures, requiring the development of new products, against which new countermeasures are developed, and so on.

    At first, the drones used in Ukraine were crude weapons, radio-controlled by a pilot who needed to be nearby. As drones became more sophisticated and lethal, jamming was used to block their radio signals, which led to frequency changes and then frequency hopping, which was then countered by multi-frequency jammers, which then engendered drones that attack jamming equipment.

    Then Russia developed drones controlled via fiber-optic cable — impervious to jamming. Ukraine tries to track the cable to its source and kill the pilots (with drones). Now Ukraine has fiber-optic drones, too.

    Guidance is ever more sophisticated, so that drones can evade radar by flying very low or using stealth technology. But drone detection and tracking systems have also advanced, employing networks of cellphones and microphones connected to audio analysis software, as well as using Lidar, radar, and cameras.

    In this ferocious environment, falling even a month behind is fatal. Normal defense industry procedures are totally inadequate, and most US drones and drone producers have proved to be hopelessly slow, expensive, and unusable.

    In response, however, Ukraine’s drone industry and military developed a revolutionary model of weapons research and development, production, and deployment, based on direct, continuous communication between frontline units and drone producers.

    Ukraine’s military command and Ministry of Digital Transformation have even developed a points-based system that publishes continuously updated rankings of military units’ performance based on verified drone kills.

    Here, Ukraine benefited from having a strong startup ecosystem, which supports a weapons industry (with hundreds of companies) capable of designing, producing, and fielding a new weapon in a matter of weeks. This year, Ukraine will produce more than four million drones, most of them models that did not exist even a year ago. Unfortunately, Russia has adapted as well, also relying heavily on private startups.

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    Drone warfare in Ukraine provides yet another lesson for the United States and Europe: the need to address Chinese dominance of the global drone industry.

    Ukraine evolved its own drone industry because the US and NATO had almost none of their own, much less one with the speed and flexibility required, and because China has gradually tightened supplies to Ukraine in favor of Russia.

    Some 80% of the electronics used in Russian drones are sourced from China. While Ukraine was initially highly dependent on China, it has reduced its reliance to perhaps 20%, most of that obtained covertly.

    Yet US and European defense R&D and procurement remain slow and uncompetitive, which cripples their ability to defend against drones, as well as their ability to use them. Although few people realize it, the US and NATO now desperately need Ukraine for its drone expertise.

    Ukraine is now the only country that could possibly match Chinese and Russian technology and reaction time in a war.

    Without Ukraine, and without modernizing their own forces, NATO and the US would suffer horrific casualties in a war with Russia or China — and might even lose.

    Moreover, AI will change everything. Ukraine’s 1 June operation used 117 drones, each controlled by a skilled operator, and reports suggest that something like half were defeated by Russian defenses — jamming, mainly — because the drones needed to be in radio communication with their controllers. Had they been autonomous, there could have been a thousand of them.

    And with AI, there is no need for pilot communication, and thus no effective jamming, greatly increasing drone range and lethality. Five years from now, it will be terrifyingly easy to launch preemptive strikes on conventional targets.

    AI also increases the lethality and precision of drones used against people. Chinese researchers have already demonstrated drone swarms navigating through a forest and then re-forming as a swarm after passing through. This is not just about warfare; it also works for terrorist attacks. 

    True, the required AI functionality still demands far more computing power and memory than can be put into a small drone. Nor is it cheap. Nvidia chips, for example, cost up to $50,000 each, so even one powerful AI processor would make most drones prohibitively expensive.

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    However, that’s changing fast, driven by the goal of putting serious AI capability into every phone. When that happens, those same capabilities will be available to every drone weapon. And with the sole, vital exception of AI processors, the entire supply chain for both phones and drone weapons is dominated by China.

    Stuart Russell, an AI specialist at the University of California, Berkeley, has long argued for an arms-control treaty to prevent the spread of small, mass produced, AI-controlled drone weapons. He even underwrote the production of a short film, Slaughterbots, which dramatizes the risks these drones could pose in the wrong hands.

    At a dinner years ago, he told me that it would soon be easy to target individuals using facial recognition or, say, everyone wearing a cross, a yarmulke, or any other religious or political symbol.

    Since any meaningful treaty is unlikely in the current geopolitical environment, we must prepare for a world that probably will contain such weapons. But the Western defense establishment increasingly looks like the typical “legacy” company that has been caught off guard by technological disruption. In markets, legacy resistance can be costly, but the costs are purely monetary. In warfare, they can and will be deadly.

    You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this. We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society. A little bit goes a long way: for as little as the cost of one cup of coffee a month, you can help build bridges between Ukraine and the rest of the world, plus become a co-creator and vote for topics we should cover next. Become a patron or see other ways to support
    • ✇Euromaidan Press
    • Russia’s thickest “red line” just went up in smoke — now the West has to go all in
      In autumn 2024, the Kremlin made another step towards fresh nuclear blackmail. On 25 September, Vladimir Putin publicly hinted at the possibility of expanding the conditions for the use of nuclear weapons, stressing the need to “forecast the development of the situation” and update strategic documents to new circumstances.  On 19 November 2024, Putin signed an updated nuclear doctrine, setting out new rules of the nuclear game that were supposed to be a factor of pressure not only on Ukr
       

    Russia’s thickest “red line” just went up in smoke — now the West has to go all in

    6 juin 2025 à 12:07

    In autumn 2024, the Kremlin made another step towards fresh nuclear blackmail. On 25 September, Vladimir Putin publicly hinted at the possibility of expanding the conditions for the use of nuclear weapons, stressing the need to “forecast the development of the situation” and update strategic documents to new circumstances. 

    On 19 November 2024, Putin signed an updated nuclear doctrine, setting out new rules of the nuclear game that were supposed to be a factor of pressure not only on Ukraine but also on the West, in particular, regarding further military support for Kyiv.

    The updated doctrine stipulates a condition for Russia’s nuclear response in case of a “critical threat” to sovereignty, including the use of conventional weapons, citing “the event of verified information about a large-scale launch of aerospace attack assets and their crossing of the Russian border.”

    In order to “lock in the effect” of the document, the Russian authorities demonstratively fired an experimental ballistic missile from the Kedr system at the million-plus Ukrainian city of Dnipro.

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    Ukraine gets green light to strike Russia — and it’s no longer enough

    Almost seven months after Moscow updated its nuclear doctrine, Kyiv has carried out an unprecedented strike. On 1 June 2025, Ukraine conducted the historic Operation “Spiderweb,” an attack on four Russian military airfields in the deep rear: “Belaya” (Irkutsk region), “Dyagilevo” (Ryazan region), “Olenya” (Murmansk region), and “Ivanovo” (Ivanovo region).

    According to initial information, the strikes destroyed or damaged more than 41 Russian strategic aircraft, including Tu-95, Tu-22M3, Tu-160 bombers and A-50 reconnaissance planes.

    A hundred Ukrainian drones took off from specially equipped trucks right next to Russian air bases without crossing the border, raising questions not only about the security of strategic facilities in the deep rear but also about the effectiveness of all Russian law enforcement agencies. In fact, Russia has not experienced such a shameful defeat since it was founded.

    The damage and destruction of Russian strategic bombers is not only a direct reduction in the military’s potential to launch missile strikes on civilian Ukrainian cities.

    In strategic terms, Operation “Spider’s Web” caused significant damage to the Russian nuclear arsenal that Moscow will find extremely difficult to restore. In particular, restoration will require decades and billions of dollars — and this is only if the Russian defence industry is capable of producing such aircraft at all.

    Russia has no established serial production of new strategic bombers and is currently upgrading and assembling the vehicles using aircraft bodies that have been saved since the 1980s. This process is called ‘reproduction’ in Russia, but it is not a full-fledged production from scratch. For example, no new aircraft have been produced in recent years, and only a few modernised Tu-160Ms have been assembled using Soviet bodies.
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    The dark truth behind NATO’s “fear of Russian escalation”

    Moreover, such successes by Ukraine’s Defense Forces may have another consequence: they serve as a clear demonstration of Kyiv’s capabilities — a trump card that Donald Trump has repeatedly claimed Ukraine lacked when speaking about the war.

    This strike also proved that most of the “red lines” and Russian threats, including those with a nuclear component, are just “weapon saber-rattling” aimed at intimidation.

    At the same time, as Zelenskyy stated at the Summit of NATO’s Eastern and Northern Flank Leaders in Vilnius on 2 June 2025, Russia cannot veto NATO’s decisions and cannot be involved in decisions about Europe’s future since Putin has chosen to confront it. 

    In particular, this should be understood by those European leaders who are still frightened by Putin’s threats of nuclear war or World War III.

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    It’s time to crush Russia’s dangerous “red lines” illusion

    A strike on an element of the Russian nuclear arsenal is not only in the interests of Ukraine, but also in the interests of overall European security.

    The Ukrainian army is actively working — with its own forces — to reduce Russia’s military threat to the European continent, precisely as European intelligence agencies are warning of a possible direct Russian aggression against NATO’s Eastern member states in the coming years.

    Today, European countries concerned with their own security have a unique chance to contribute to the reduction of Russian military capabilities by investing in the Ukrainian defence industry, supporting its army, and bolstering its defense by procuring long-range weapons, missiles, and drones.

    It is only Ukraine’s success on the battlefield that will determine how quickly, if at all, Moscow will be able to rebuild its forces for a possible attack on Europe in the coming years.

    Anton Zemlianyi is a Senior Research Fellow at the Ukrainian Security and Cooperation Center.

    Editor’s note. The opinions expressed in our Opinion section belong to their authors. Euromaidan Press’ editorial team may or may not share them.

    Submit an opinion to Euromaidan Press

    You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.  We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society. A little bit goes a long way: for as little as the cost of one cup of coffee a month, you can help build bridges between Ukraine and the rest of the world, plus become a co-creator and vote for topics we should cover next. Become a patron or see other ways to support. Become a Patron!
    • ✇Euromaidan Press
    • Ukraine gets green light to strike Russia — and it’s no longer enough
      The announcement by the German government, in addition to similar steps by the United States, France, and the United Kingdom, finally lifts the taboo on the use of Western weapons for military purposes on the territory of the aggressor.  The cost of hesitation is already being measured in terms of destroyed cities and human lives. Take a look back at last year, when delays in aid packages led to a “missile crisis” and catastrophic consequences for Ukraine’s energy sector. Taking advant
       

    Ukraine gets green light to strike Russia — and it’s no longer enough

    5 juin 2025 à 03:53

    The announcement by the German government, in addition to similar steps by the United States, France, and the United Kingdom, finally lifts the taboo on the use of Western weapons for military purposes on the territory of the aggressor. 

    The cost of hesitation is already being measured in terms of destroyed cities and human lives. Take a look back at last year, when delays in aid packages led to a “missile crisis” and catastrophic consequences for Ukraine’s energy sector.

    Taking advantage of Ukraine’s inability to reach its launch sites, Russia methodically destroyed power stations. In March 2024, Russia launched its largest missile attack on Ukraine’s energy infrastructure, using 63 drones and 88 missiles of various types. The attack damaged the facilities of the national operators Ukrenergo, Energoatom, and Naftogaz, while also shutting down the Dnipro hydroelectric power station.

    As a direct result of these delays, last summer Ukrainians were forced to live with power cuts lasting up to 4-6 hours. This is not just an inconvenience — bur a major blow to the economy, social stability, and the nation’s morale.

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    Why air defence system is not enough anymore

    According to The Economist, a year ago, 30 drones per night was seen as unusual. Today, hundreds of Shahed and dozens of missiles are the new reality. Only on 25 May, the Kremlin fired 298 drones and 69 missiles at Ukraine — one of the all-time records.

    Russia is not just increasing the numbers, it is improving the weapons: ballistic missiles from North Korea, new and more lethal generation of Shahed that use machine learning to hit defended targets. These Shaheds no longer rely on GPS, but are guided by artificial intelligence and can even use Ukrainian internet networks to transmit data.

    Their quantity, however, remains the main problem. The Kremlin used to produce about 300 Shaheds a month; now it takes less than three days to produce the same number.

    According to the Defence Intelligence of Ukraine, Russia plans to increase production to 500 drones per day. Even if this is an exaggeration, it is clear that the numbers will increase significantly. No air defence system, no matter how sophisticated, can cope with this number of targets.

    Likewise, Ukraine’s partners simply have no time to produce interceptor drones in the required quantity. Each missile or drone that Ukraine shoots down is a huge resource that is much more expensive than the attacked object. It’s a race for life, and Ukraine can’t win if it only defends itself.

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    Strike at the heart of the threat

    In this light, the only correct and logical solution is to strike at the launch sites — even before enemy drones, missiles, and aircraft enter Ukrainian airspace.

    This fundamental change in strategy will allow Kyiv not only to defend but also to counterattack the aggressor, saving lives, protecting critical infrastructure, and reducing the enormous pressure on Ukraine’s air defence.

    Kyiv’s partners have a clear and fair resource: confiscation of frozen Russian assets. Billions of dollars of frozen Russian funds should be used to purchase the necessary weapons for Ukraine. Alternatively, Ukraine can use the $150 billion Safe Loan instrument proposed by Mr. Kubilius, which provides for lending to Ukraine secured by confiscated Russian assets.

    There is no time for hesitation. A new strategy, with the necessary weapons and funding, is the way to truly defend Ukraine and bring peace.

    Victoria Voytsitska is the Advocacy Director for the energy sector at the International…

    Editor’s note. The opinions expressed in our Opinion section belong to their authors. Euromaidan Press’ editorial team may or may not share them.

    Submit an opinion to Euromaidan Press

    You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.  We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society. A little bit goes a long way: for as little as the cost of one cup of coffee a month, you can help build bridges between Ukraine and the rest of the world, plus become a co-creator and vote for topics we should cover next. Become a patron or see other ways to support. Become a Patron!
    • ✇Euromaidan Press
    • The genocide definer predicted Putin’s Ukraine war 70 years ago — and was horrifyingly right
      Raphael Lemkin, a Polish-Jewish lawyer and the author of the term “genocide,” predicted the events of 24 February 2022 – Russia’s full-scale invasion – 70 years ago. Lemkin understood the nature of Russian imperial policy deeply, as he experienced firsthand the horrors of mass extermination based on national identity – his family perished during the Holocaust. In 1953, Lemkin explicitly labeled the actions of the USSR against Ukraine as genocide, emphasizing Moscow’s intent to erase Ukra
       

    The genocide definer predicted Putin’s Ukraine war 70 years ago — and was horrifyingly right

    26 mai 2025 à 10:33

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    Raphael Lemkin, a Polish-Jewish lawyer and the author of the term “genocide,” predicted the events of 24 February 2022 – Russia’s full-scale invasion – 70 years ago.

    Lemkin understood the nature of Russian imperial policy deeply, as he experienced firsthand the horrors of mass extermination based on national identity – his family perished during the Holocaust.

    In 1953, Lemkin explicitly labeled the actions of the USSR against Ukraine as genocide, emphasizing Moscow’s intent to erase Ukrainian national identity. 

    Russia continues to deny Ukrainian sovereignty and the existence of Ukraine as a state, as well as Ukrainians as a distinct people. An article titled “What Russia Should Do with Ukraine,” published in 2022, further equates “denazification” with de-Ukrainization, framing Russia’s policies as a deliberate attempt to erase Ukrainian identity through attacks on culture.

    This is why prominent lawyer Lemkin, who worked on the first draft of the Genocide Convention, warned the West against concessions and the policy of appeasing the aggressor – compromises with regimes that seek to destroy nations only encourage them to commit further crimes.

    After spending my entire career as a lawyer, I made the decision to join the Armed Forces of Ukraine on 24 February, 2022, fully aware of the historical importance of the moment for my people’s survival. Leaving my comfortable office in downtown Kyiv, my family, and my normal life to serve on the front lines was not an easy choice, but I felt I had no other option when Russia invaded my homeland.

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    During my service, I helped document Russian crimes against culture, the destruction of monuments, museums, and churches, even when there was no military target nearby. Russians are spending billions on missiles to destroy buildings associated with anything Ukrainian.

    Appeasing the aggressor will lead to even greater consequences. Russia will not stop at what it has managed to occupy after 11 years of aggression. With each new so-called ceasefire on Putin’s terms, Russia will recover and prepare for the next invasion.

    The next invasion will be even bloodier, as Russia will learn from the mistakes that allowed Ukraine, with the help of Western partners, to resist them.

    Putin will not stop until he achieves his ultimate goal: the complete destruction of Ukrainians. His actions are driven by a relentless ambition to erase Ukraine as a nation and to suppress its identity.

    A ceasefire on Putin’s terms, regardless of the cost, will not create a lasting peace. President Trump’s desire to stop the killings is indeed noble, but a lack of understanding of the nature of this war could lead to catastrophic historical mistakes, ultimately resulting in even more victims of aggression. 

    Vitalii Tytych is a Ukrainian lawyer and chairman of the board of the Raphael Lemkin Society.

    Editor’s note. The opinions expressed in our Opinion section belong to their authors. Euromaidan Press’ editorial team may or may not share them.

    Submit an opinion to Euromaidan Press

    You could close this page. Or you could join our community and help us produce more materials like this.  We keep our reporting open and accessible to everyone because we believe in the power of free information. This is why our small, cost-effective team depends on the support of readers like you to bring deliver timely news, quality analysis, and on-the-ground reports about Russia's war against Ukraine and Ukraine's struggle to build a democratic society. A little bit goes a long way: for as little as the cost of one cup of coffee a month, you can help build bridges between Ukraine and the rest of the world, plus become a co-creator and vote for topics we should cover next. Become a patron or see other ways to support. Become a Patron!
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